Your sacrifice reaches the most vulnerable families across Zimbabwe — fresh meat, trusted partners, 1 year of proven impact.
In 2025 we organised the first ever Qurbani for the Black Muslim community at Gilston Farm, Zimbabwe. 29 goats were sacrificed, feeding 89 families with 267kgs of fresh meat.
"It is neither the meat nor their blood that reaches Allah, but it is the piety from you that reaches Him."
(Qur'an 22:37) · Qurbani is the only time some families eat meat all year"It is neither the meat nor their blood that reaches Allah, but it is the piety from you that reaches Him." — Qur'an 22:37
In 2025, from 29 goats we fed 89 families — the first ever Qurbani for the Gilston Farm community. For Eid 2026, your donation goes directly to the community — fresh meat, trusted partners, every penny accounted for.
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Animals are purchased from Zimbabwean farmers, supporting the local economy and ensuring the freshest quality.
Fresh meat reaches families in time for the celebration. Photos sent to you so you can see your impact directly.
Qurbani Zimbabwe is a small, volunteer-led initiative run by a team of people based in the UK and Zimbabwe. We came together in 2025 with one goal — to organise Qurbani for a Muslim community in rural Zimbabwe that had never received it before.
That community is Gilston Farm — home to Black Muslims whose ancestors were brought to Southern Rhodesia as migrant labourers during British colonial rule, recruited from Malawi and Mozambique. Despite living in Zimbabwe for generations, many remain undocumented. They live in mud-brick homes with no electricity, no running water, and no government support. Gilston Masjid — built entirely from personal funds — is the heart of their community.
In 2025 we sourced 29 goats from a local farmer in Beatrice, Zimbabwe. The sacrifice was performed by the Sheikh from Gilston Masjid. Fresh meat was distributed to 89 families — for many it was the first time in their lifetime they had ever received Qurbani.
The story of Zimbabwe's Black Muslim communities is one of migration, faith, and survival — shaped by colonial exploitation and sustained by extraordinary resilience.
British colonial expansion in Southern Rhodesia created demand for cheap labour. Recruiters from the British South Africa Company (BSAC) brought thousands of Malawian and Mozambican men — many of them Muslims from the Yao, Chewa, and Lomwe ethnic groups — to work on farms, railways, and mines. They were labelled "alien natives."
This was the peak period of migration. The Southern Rhodesian Native Labour Bureau (SRNLB), formed in 1946, institutionalised migrant labour recruitment. Workers settled mainly in rural farming regions such as Mashonaland. Over time, many brought their families or married locally, forming multi-generational Muslim communities.
Despite being viewed as outsiders and denied land ownership or political rights, these communities preserved their Islamic traditions — building mosques with their own limited funds. After Zimbabwe's independence in 1980, descendants struggled to obtain citizenship. They remained largely invisible to the new state, continuing as farm labourers.
Zimbabwe's land reform programme seized and redistributed commercial farms. Migrant-descended families lost their homes and livelihoods without compensation. Excluded from land allocation due to their "foreign origin" and lack of documentation, they were left jobless with no safety net — trapped in a cycle of poverty, statelessness, and informal labour that continues to this day at Gilston Farm.
Thousands lack birth certificates or national IDs — a legacy of colonial "alien" status — preventing access to schools, healthcare, jobs, and voting.
No electricity, no running water, no sanitation. Families rely on shared hand-dug boreholes that dry up in drought. Homes are single-roomed mud-brick structures.
High school dropout rates due to fees, distance, and lack of documentation. Health clinics are far, under-resourced, and unaffordable. Maternal health is especially at risk.
The community is often perceived as foreigners in their own homeland. They receive no government support and have no representation in local leadership or civic forums.
